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grave problems and risks to the aggressor as well as for us in defence.
The British Empire's role cannot be that of the attacking party. Our own
strategic preparations are clearly defensive, and aside from propaganda
-every foreign Power knows that beyond doubt.
The articles have discussed with all possible frankness aspects of Australia's
vulnerability which are already known by those whose business is to study
them. Only the ignorant will miss the restraint used in writing them they
have given away no secrets, and the defence authorities have approved
publication of the facts they revealed. The picture is not complete policy
requires that it shall not be complete. It portrays, in a sense, the worst
aspect of our situation in the event of war, since it is a summing up
chiefly of demands upon our own unaided efforts. The emergency could
hardly be as bad as that. The writer of the articles points out that the
Singapore base has not been built at enormous cost to be left without
a fleet to operate from it in the day of crisis yet the special consideration
of what we can do to help ourselves must be put for several reasons. One
is that, if the worst should come, we may haply have to rely on our own
forces for a time, either generally or in some special region. Another is
that Australia's accepted duty in the Imperial defence scheme is to plan
her own local defence, and it must be done realistically. Another, and
as important a consideration as any, is that not only the Government and
the professional services, but the Australian people too, must awaken to
the possible needs in emergency beyond our power to control. That imagined
neutrality which some false political leaders speak about, will hardly be
ours to prescribe. Certainly it might be offered to us by Britain's enemy
in that day but only on such disgraceful terms that no Australian, whatever
his views, would dream of accepting it.
The appeal must be to the intelligence of the Australian people to reject
the notion, if it be seriously held, that the Commonwealth's neutrality in
such a conflict is possible. Even those who may reject it reluctantly must
be reminded that only the strongest arms could assure respect for any
wishes of our own in that matter. From whatever viewpoint approached,
therefore, adequate preparation for defence of Australia is an essential
national task. The „Herald's" articles have dealt at length with the orga
nisation of industrial preparation against war, both for home defence and
for assistance with supplies to other British territories and defence stations
in the Pacific, including the Singapore base. This may be likened, not
unjustifiably, to a measure of compulsory military training of industry.
The reflection will serve to remind the public that, if the counterpart
thereto, in compulsory military training of Australian manhood, is left
out of current political discussion, the cause lies not in negligence on the
part of Parliament or the authorities, but in the easy-going disinclination
of the electorate for such an „imposition". Until the public show readiness
for it - until there is some revival of the pre-war National Defence
League Parliament cannot usefully move in this direction. But we
would add this for reflection upon the facts our articles have represented
that the Defence Act makes all males between ages of 18 and 60 liable
for service in the Citizen forces in time of war, and empowers the military
authorities to commandeer any „vehicle, horse, mule, bullock, aerial machine,
boat, vessel, or goods" for defense purposes and that a Citizen Army
for home defence so mobilised, for the most part without the rudiments
of training, would invite the heaviest toll upon our manhood for neglect
of training while years of peace offered the opportunity.
Air Force.
Air force officers all over the world and Australian Air Force
officers are no exception believe that aircraft can sink lightly-
